Are The Democratic Socialists Winning or Losing?

From The New York Times, I'm Natalie. Kitroeff. This is The Daily. [music]. >> [music]. >> The left wing of the Democratic Party. has [music] now faced key tests in two. swing states, and the results were. mixed. On Tuesday, Democratic Socialist. Francesca Hong lost the Democratic. nomination for governor in Wisconsin. [music] in an upset after leading by.

double digits in the polls. And last [music] week in Michigan, despite being heavily outspent by his. opponent, Abdul El-Sayed won the. Democratic [music] nomination for Senate. by a slim margin. Today, [music] my colleague, chief. political analyst Nate Cohn, helps make. sense of those conflicting outcomes. [music] and explains what they tell us. about the state of the populist left in. Democratic politics. >> [music]. >> It's Thursday, August 13th.

>> [music]. >> Nate, welcome back to The Daily. It's. wonderful to have you here. >> Thank you for having me. Great to be. here. >> So, we want to talk today about what. this moment means for the Democratic. Party. For the past 10 years, it feels as. though we've been talking about this. divide in the party between the. progressive left and the moderate. establishment. And it feels like the. story of this primary season for. Democrats is to what extent is that.

progressive flank ascendant in the party. and in national politics? In the last 2 weeks, one of those. candidates narrowly won in Michigan, and. another narrowly lost in Wisconsin. I don't totally know what to make of. that. It feels a little confusing to me, but fortunately, that's what we have you. for. So, Nate, what should we make of. that? >> Fortunately, I think it isn't very. confusing. It's pretty clarifying. >> Oh. >> We've had two races in 2 weeks.

in states that are presidential. battleground states, reasonably. representative of the country. politically in different ways, where the. progressive left has essentially been. tied, a little bit ahead or a little bit. behind with their establishment rivals. This is pretty different from what we've. seen over most of the last 10 years, when the progressive left has basically. only been reliably competitive in. heavily Democratic, young, highly. educated urban areas. Now, they can happen twice in 2 weeks. after all, in presidential battleground.

states, and therefore perhaps even. nationwide. That still comes with. limits. Uh there are large parts of these states. where the progressive candidates aren't. faring very well, and that suggests. there are also large parts of the. country where the progressive left. wouldn't fare very well, but this. represents a really significant. improvement in their standing within the. Democratic Party compared to where they. seemed to stand just a few years ago. >> Okay, I want to. dig deeper into what you actually mean. by the limits that these candidates are. facing and what they've actually gained, but before we do,

can you just spell out what we mean. exactly when we talk about the left. here? Like who are these candidates? I. heard a sigh. >> I It's It's a little challenging to. define. We don't just mean progressives. after all, right? Progressives have been. winning Democratic primaries for. decades. Half of Democrats in Congress. could be said to be progressives in some. form or another. We mean a new kind of. young. activist-backed candidate of, for lack. of a better word, the progressive left. >> Mhm. >> I think the core of this new activist.

progressive left are the self-identified. Democratic Socialists, Mondaini, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and their. allies. Beyond them though, there is a group of. politicians who looks a lot like them, but does not necessarily characterize. themselves as Democratic Socialist. >> Like who? >> Dr. Abdul El Sayed in Michigan is one. great example. He was endorsed by both. Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez, but he. doesn't call himself a democratic. socialist, but it's hard to see why he's. not a democratic socialist. He doesn't. distinguish himself from them on the.

issues in many ways, and he's. comfortable allying with them, and. importantly, allying with them against. the mainstream of the Democratic Party. >> So, data-wise, when you look at the. numbers, which are your bread and. butter, you're looking at candidates who. are either members of the Democratic. Socialists organization or are. effectively part of that platform. They. are aligned with many aspects of it. >> Yeah, there are a lot of different ways. to define it, but they stand apart from. not only the establishment moderate in. the Democratic Party, but also the kind. of progressive candidate who's been.

winning in the Democratic Party for a. long time. >> Okay, and the question going into the. last couple of weeks, right, was whether. this progressive left could win, not. just in places like New York, deep blue. areas, but in purple areas, states like. Michigan and Wisconsin. So, let's get. into what we learned from the two. Democratic primaries in those states. >> I think the most obvious thing we. learned is that yes, the progressive. left can compete in these states. Now, it's worth noting that each of these. races are idiosyncratic primaries. They.

have different candidates with different. strengths and weaknesses. In Michigan, in a primary for US Senate, Democrat Dr. Abdul El-Sayed ran a campaign that. received a lot of enthusiasm from. progressives across the country, and he. ran against Congresswoman Haley Stevens, an establishment-backed candidate who. had the advantage of tens of millions of. dollars in advertisements, even though. she had her own liabilities, like being. a really strong supporter of Israel at a. time when that's pretty unpopular among.

rank-and-file Democrats. There was a. totally different set of circumstances. in Wisconsin. That was a race for. governor, where Francesca Hong, a. democratic socialist, did not run an. especially strong race. She did not earn. endorsements from people like Alexandria. Ocasio-Cortez or Bernie Sanders. She had. a a a long track record of posting and. making remarks on social media that did. not make her seem like a terribly. compelling politician. Much of the final. week of the campaign was spent. litigating social media posts about how.

she had problems with Thanksgiving and. Halloween. Right. This was not. necessarily the best candidate uh that. the progressive left has put forward. On. the other hand, uh the moderate wing of. the Democratic Party almost failed to. put forward a candidate in this race. It. cycled through multiple potential. front-runners who entered the race and. dropped out of the race and in some. cases came back into the race. And only. in the final days of the campaign did. the party appear to coalesce behind. David Crowley, who was a relatively. unknown candidate from Milwaukee County,

but who did not have any, you know, statewide reputation or tens of millions. of dollars backing him during the. campaign. Hmm. But, despite all the. differences that we just worked through. between these two different races, we still ended up with the same basic. result. Michigan and Wisconsin ended up. essentially dead even. The progressive. candidate narrowly won one race and. narrowly lost the other, but the story. was basically the same. The same. demographic groups aligned between each. ones. They showed the same strengths. They showed the same weaknesses. And the fact that the results are so. similar suggests that the most powerful.

factor that's shaping what's happening. in these races are these underlying big. divides in the national Democratic. Party, not the idiosyncrasies of these. races. And so, I think we can learn a. lot from them as a result. >> All right. Nate, walk us through those. underlying divides. What were the. demographic groups that aligned behind. these progressive left candidates? >> I think you have to start with age. The. most obvious thing that's driving. support for the progressive left both in. the actual results when you look at it. precinct-by-precinct or county-by-county. and in the polling is that young voters.

overwhelmingly back the candidates of. the progressive left while older voters. uh support moderate establishment. candidates. The polls say that they won. overwhelming margins like 60, 70, maybe. even 80% of the vote, and that's what we. see in the youngest neighborhoods and. precincts of these states, particularly. on the college campuses of the big. flagship universities like the. University of Michigan or the University. of Wisconsin-Madison. There are. precincts where El Sayed won 95% of the. vote in Ann Arbor. There are precincts. that are sort of for lack of a better.

word, young, hip, gentrifying. neighborhoods in Milwaukee where you see. similarly, maybe not 95% lopsided. margins, but 70, 80%. even for Francesca Hong. >> That is crazy. Why do you think that is? Do we Do we have a sense of what is. driving young voters and not older. voters to these candidates? >> Well, in some sense, this is a story. that we've seen in the Democratic Party. for for decades now. Young voters who. come of age and are dissatisfied with. the country and want to see changes then.

look naturally to something that's even. farther to the left of what the. Democratic Party has offered in the. past, and then that's what the young. voters campaign on, whether it's in the. 1960s in the Civil Rights Movement, Barack Obama versus Hillary Clinton, or. now the Democratic Socialists against. the kind of mainstream progressivism of. the Obama era. I think that sentiment's. been supercharged by some particular. factors to this moment, the struggles. that young people think they have in. today's post-financial crisis economy, and I think it's also worth mentioning. the way that for lack of a better word,

the intellectual climate of today's age. shapes the views of young voters. There. are ideas from academia about capitalism. and sexism and white supremacy and. intersectionality that are all very. familiar to us today, but which an older. generation of college graduates had. never heard of, even while we're all. familiar with Judith Butler or. something. So, I think this really. shapes the kind of ideas that young. college-educated voters are receptive. to. So, although in the past they've always. been kind of receptive to the most left. candidate, it's now being channeled into.

a particular set of ideas that older. generations don't even know about, let. alone support. >> Okay, so these candidates did numbers. with younger voters. What else does the data say about the. divides here, about the coalitions? >> I think the next biggest divide it's. it's maybe easier to talk about by. flipping it around and saying where did. the moderates do best. And in both. states. high-income neighborhoods, high-income. voters stand out as a major area of. strength for moderates with income in. general just being one of the key fault.

lines here. In neighborhoods where. people make $150,000 or more, there were. often cases where the moderate. candidates won by two to one. I don't. think it should be terribly surprising. that if the progressive left in general. and these candidates specifically really. stand for anything in terms of policy, it's to take on the billionaires, corporations, and wealth inequality in. the country. And it makes sense that. high-income voters would be particularly. hesitant to embrace those kind of.

candidates. When you go below the. high-income. group, there's a lot more heterogeneity. in the results. And part of that comes. down to age, right? There are low-income. voters who are young college kids or. people just out of college who are very. supportive of the progressives. And then. there also low-income older voters, and. those low-income older voters may still. support the establishment. >> Uh-huh. >> And I think there's one additional point. to make, and that's the divide over. race. The establishment candidates in both of. these contests did really well among.

black voters. Now, it's worth noting. that. as I've mentioned, both these races are. idiosyncratic and both of the. establishment-friendly candidates had. particularly strong cases for black. voters. Haley Stevens trumpeted her work. with the Obama administration on the. Detroit auto bailout. David Crowley is. African-American himself, so he had. natural appeal to Milwaukee's black. voters. But it's worth noting that we. have seen over and over again that. establishment-backed candidates do. better than progressive candidates among.

black voters. >> I feel like I'm turning into a broken. record here, Nate, but why? Do we know. why that is? >> I think the easiest place to start is to. remember that black voters almost. unanimously support Democrats. And many. black voters support Democrats. regardless of their views on the issues. So, there are many more moderate or even. conservative black voters who vote for. Democrats than other racial groups. because for other racial groups, the. moderate and conservative voters would. just vote Republican. So, in the black. primary electorate, you have many more.

moderate and conservative black voters. who at the very least are not exactly. receptive to the case for for democratic. socialism or may even outright oppose. it. The other thing to keep in mind is that. in many democratic primaries as of late, older black voters have turned out at. much higher levels than young voters. It. may be the case that young black voters. support the progressive candidates in. these races and it's just really hard to. tell because the turnout among young. black voters has been really low. Really. In some ways, it's been really low since. the Obama era. So, we have a.

disproportionately older group of black. voters who's participating in these. primaries as well. And again, old voters. regardless of race are backing the. establishment candidate. >> Bottom line, Nate, at this moment, when. we see these areas of strength and of. weakness for the progressive left being. highlighted, should we think of this. movement that Bernie Sanders more or. less started in 2016 as ascendant and. gaining ground or stalling out? >> I think we should think of it as. ascendant and gaining ground. Especially. if we bracket Bernie Sanders aside for a.

second. If you bracket aside his. campaign, we've watched the progressive. left grow from only occasionally winning. a handful of primaries in the nation's. most highly educated and democratic. cities to now competing statewide in. classic battleground states like. Michigan and Wisconsin. That said, this is a very different kind. [music] of progressive coalition than. the one that Bernie Sanders put together. back in 2016. And it's different in ways.

that say a lot about where the. progressive movement might be heading in. 2028 and beyond. >> [music]. >> We'll be right back. Nate, describe exactly how the. progressive coalition has changed since. 2016. >> I think to understand, it's worth. stepping back and remembering what the. Bernie Sanders coalition looked like in. 2016 against Hillary Clinton. At its core, there was the same young.

progressive Democratic Socialist. activist group that's still at the core. of the progressive movement today. But what's changed is the group of. voters beyond that Democratic Socialist. core. The sort of swing voters of. Democratic primary politics, the people. who aren't necessarily true believers, but who preferred Bernie Sanders to his. opponent, Hillary Clinton. >> [music]. >> In that election, in 2016, the voters. who preferred Sanders to Clinton, even. though they weren't true believers, were. mostly working class, and particularly.

working class white voters. >> Mhm. >> Bernie Sanders swept rural parts of. Michigan and Wisconsin. And he did so in. part because he was relentlessly focused. on a populist message, and in part. because Hillary Clinton was sort of the. perfect foil. On economic populist. issues, she had backed NAFTA. >> Right. >> And she, you know, had taken all of this. money from speeches [music] from. corporations and so on. And she also. campaigned pretty heavily on identity. politics, for lack of a better word, in. that election. She was the candidate. trying to rally the supporters of Black.

Lives Matter, and she was also running. as potentially the first female. president. [music] And those were major. points of emphasis in her campaign. And. together, that seemed to give Bernie. Sanders the edge among white working. [music] class Democrats across much of. the northern United States in. particular. And even once she became the nominee, Hillary [music] Clinton still struggled. among these voters. Many of them. actually ended up backing Donald Trump. And have been part of the Republican. coalition really ever since and they. haven't even been available to. candidates of the progressive left in. many cases. >> Mhm. >> If you were to look at the map of.

Wisconsin and Michigan the last couple. of weeks compared to the 2016 one, they. look completely different. They're not. winning those rural areas anymore. >> [music]. >> And just say why Nate? Because the core. of the argument for a lot of these. left-wing candidates is economic. populism, right? I mean, El Sayed's. campaign slogan was money out of. politics, money in your pocket, Medicare. for all. >> It's absolutely an important part of. their message and as I alluded to. earlier, they do tend to do better among. lower-income voters than certainly rich. voters. But this is not necessarily.

nearly as central to their message as it. was to Bernie Sanders' message. And. conversely, I'm not sure that today's. moderate Democrats are as vulnerable on. these issues as Hillary Clinton was. There is on balance, compared to 2016, much more emphasis by progressives on. non-economic issues, period. Gaza, for. instance. And now I'm not saying that. Gaza alienates white working-class. Democrats, but every second that you. spend talking about Gaza is a second. you're not talking about, as Bernie.

would put it, the millionaires and the. billionaires, right? And so if most of. the conversation about your campaign. is about the issues that animate. activist progressives, the fact that you. then try and turn your message back to. putting money in people's pockets won't. be as powerful as it would be if that. were all you were talking about. And I. think it's fair to say that's what the. Bernie Sanders campaign did in 2016 that. we just don't see from progressives. since then. >> Got it. >> Now, today's progressives have made up. for this by doing much better than. Bernie Sanders did among a different. group of voters who are sort of outside.

that core democratic socialist activist. base. >> Which is? >> They're doing much better among, for. lack of better word, kind of mainstream. progressive liberals. You can imagine. the sort of person who watches MSNBC in. the suburbs, for instance, who voted for. Hillary Clinton or Elizabeth Warren and. Joe Biden in 2020. They're actually. quite sympathetic to what the. progressives have to say about all of. the various issues we just talked about. like Gaza or the Black Lives Matter. movement. They may not be democratic. socialists, but they are real. progressives. And in the past they.

didn't support Bernie Sanders and they. have been voting for mainstream. Democrats, but now they're pretty. disillusioned with the Democratic Party. It's failed to make good on its promise. to defeat Donald Trump. They want to see. someone fight back against Donald Trump. in Washington and they're just looking. for a candidate who offers bigger kind. of changes to a country that voters have. been dissatisfied with for decades. And. right now, the democratic socialist. progressive activist wing of the. Democratic Party is offering something. like that. And so these voters who have. voted maybe for more moderate candidates.

in the past, they're pretty open to. backing progressive candidates today. >> Those folks basically aren't alienated. by some of that culture war messaging. >> They may even like it. >> They may like it and they're so. frustrated with the Democratic. establishment that they want to cast a. protest vote in some cases. >> And I think it could be even more than a. protest vote. They may look at the. democratic socialists and say, "You know. what? I've always supported universal health. care and that's what they say they. support too. I don't like what Israel's. doing. I agree with that." So they may. not, again, consider themselves.

democratic socialists, they may not be. activists for the democratic socialist. cause, but they may not see themselves. as very different on a long list of. issues. >> I guess my question is is that a winning. coalition? Is that enough to win in. purple places in a general election? >> In a general election? No. I mean, you can win a democratic primary with a. core of democratic socialists plus sort. of mainstream liberals, but to win a. general election you need to win a lot. more than that. You have to win the rank.

and file of the Democratic Party and. then a lot of more moderate voters who. don't consider themselves Democrats, who. are independents or who may even in some. cases be relatively conservative voters. >> Then does that suggest that these. candidates will have to kind of win back. those white working-class voters, the. ones who voted for Trump? And if they. stick to the economic populism message. and deemphasize the other stuff, is that. a path forward? Do they need to do that. to broaden their coalition? >> Well, I think that's what the.

progressives see for themselves. I think. they want to try and win back some. number of white working-class or at. least working-class voters in general. with a message focused on economic. populism. I don't think that's. necessarily very realistic. And you can. sort of see that in its own way in these. Democratic primaries. They can talk. about economic populism a lot. They can. even make that the focus of their. campaigns to the extent they can, but. they're going to be defined by the. broader set of issues that they're. associated with and that they're really. passionate about. There's not going to. be a version of Dr. El-Sayed who doesn't.

talk about Gaza and who doesn't talk. about all the other issues that. progressives have been campaigning on. for the last 10 years. But to win a. general election, they're probably going. to need to win in a a fairly. conventional way for a Democrat to try. and be acceptable enough to voters who. are dissatisfied uh with Donald Trump. Some of them are working-class. Some of. them are rich and affluent. Some of them. may be the kind of voters that. progressives dream of winning and some. of them may bear no resemblance to that.

But they're stuck playing I think a. fundamentally conventional general. election game. >> Nate, [snorts] another big part of this. debate among Democrats is whether these. socialists or socialist-adjacent. candidates may drag Democrats down in. other parts of the country by giving. Republicans this opening to cast the. entire party as too radical. How do you think that dynamic might play. out as we get closer to the general? >> Well, I think it's true to some extent. When you vote for a Democratic. candidate, you're voting both for the. person and to put a party in power. And.

to the extent voters sour on putting the. Democratic Party in power because they. perceive it as being farther left than. they are. That could hurt Democratic. candidates in parts of the country who. have nothing to do with the progressive. left. That said, I think in most of these. races that Democratic candidates will. succeed in defining themselves. Certainly the strong Democratic. candidates with their own individual. brands who have the resources to air. television advertisements about. themselves, they have an opportunity to. define themselves. So I wouldn't expect. it to prevent more moderate Democrats.

from winning in much of the country even. if it is undoubtedly some additional. burden that they have to overcome. >> Obviously, we spent this time looking. at, as you said, idiosyncratic races. So. I don't want to extrapolate too much. here, but given the broader dynamics. that you've laid out about this. left-wing coalition, I wonder how you're. also thinking about its place in the. future of the party beyond these. midterms. Like. crystal ball a little bit for me. >> There's an unmistakable trend towards.

the progressive left in Democratic. politics. We've talked about that. already. And as generations turn over. and more young people enter the. Democratic electorate and as more older. moderates age out of the Democratic. electorate, I think it's possible we. could see this trend continue. It would not surprise me to see a. candidate of the progressive left win. the Democratic nomination in 2028 if. they have a strong enough candidate to. pull it off or if the establishment is. disorganized like it was in Wisconsin. Now that said, it doesn't make it. inevitable that progressive activists. will take over the Democratic Party.

Mainstream Democrats will try and co-opt. elements of this message. They're going. to try and appeal on the same kind of. themes about economic populism. We just. saw Gavin Newsom. say the divide in American politics. today isn't between left and right, it's. between top and down. Mainstream. Democrats are getting a message here. And this is pretty common in American. politics that activist elevate an issue. and the mainstream of the party. ultimately subsumes it. >> But then what would happen to all of the. more hardcore supporters of that. socialist DSA platform? I can't imagine.

that they would get on board for a much. more diluted version of the the thing. that has them so energized. >> This is a cop-out answer, but it will. obviously vary from person to person, group to group. There are going to be. some die-hard Democratic Socialists who. will say that any person who doesn't. reject the system of capitalism is. complicit in the oppression of, you. know, the working classes around the. world, right? There are also going to be. progressives who understand that it's. important to work within the Democratic. Party to gradually change it. Over time. and in different cases, the relative.

balance of which two paths different. parts of the left take is going to vary. If Gavin Newsom wins the Democratic. nomination because he adopted a buzzword. about top versus bottom, it's going to. be a little different than if it's, say, a Jon Ossoff who centers corruption and. taking on the billionaires in this. campaign, right? So, there are a lot of. subtleties here. But, I think over the. long run, the thing that's sort of. guaranteed is that if the progressive. left becomes strong enough in the. Democratic Party, it is going to change. the Democratic Party one way or another. >> Mhm.

>> If the mainstream of the party resists. it, that's when you have the opportunity. for a real hostile takeover like what. happened to the Republicans. I think. it's too early to say whether we're. going to see something more like a. hostile takeover or more like the. mainstream of the Democratic Party. letting the Democratic Socialists in and. gradually allow it to change the party. In some cases, you'll see some of both. I think over the medium term, I would. expect to see the mainstream of the. Democratic Party try and embrace. economic populism, try and take a more. anti-Israel stance, and that may be.

enough to prevent a true takeover of the. Democratic Party by Democratic. Socialists even as the Democratic Party. moves to the left as a consequence. But, the natural tendency for a party is. to try and assimilate all of its parts. and [music] to forge a coalition, to use. a word that we've used probably too many. times in this episode. And that's the. natural. >> [music]. >> way for the party to end up.

>> [music]. >> 1/8. >> I love having you in my coalition as a. colleague. >> [laughter]. >> And thanks for coming on the show. >> Uh thanks for having me. >> Hello. >> Hi, this is Jody. >> Hi Jody, how are you? This is Caitlyn.

calling from the New York Times. >> Good, how are you? >> I'm doing well. I really appreciate you. taking some time to talk to me. >> Yeah, we're in um an interesting state, no? >> You really are. >> [laughter]. >> How does it feel? >> It's stressful, totally stressful, because there's so much at stake. >> [music]. >> On Wednesday, one day after the. Democratic primary for governor in. Wisconsin, [music]. Daily Producer Caitlyn O'Keefe called.

voters there to understand how they were. processing the results. >> Can you tell me who you voted for in the. primary on Tuesday? >> Yes, I voted for Francesca Hongs. >> Francesca was my choice. >> Ultimately, I ended up voting for David. Crowley. >> I voted for David Crowley. >> I just thought more important than. voting for exactly who I feel more. passionate about, we need to get. somebody in there that can. >> [music]. >> win the race. >> When I saw that Crowley had won with.

just over 3,000 votes shy, it was a huge. sense of relief for me, but a little bit. of anxiety that we got that close. >> I really appreciated [music] the. progressive views on affordable health. care, universal child care, >> [music]. >> public schools, the minimum wage. My two daughters are middle-income and. are struggling. And I don't see a a way. out of it. My grandkids, they're having. such a hard time finding jobs. It didn't.

used to be that way. So, I'm just not. for the establishment right now. I feel. like they just keep going along the same. path. [music]. I think we need to wipe the slate clean. Start over. It's not working. >> [music]. >> What would you say to somebody who looks. at Hong's loss in Wisconsin and [music]. thinks, "This is proof that the. Democratic Socialists of America and. that platform can't win across the. country?" [music].

>> Good ideas have been coming from the. progressive movement for years. [music]. And sometimes they get more footing, sometimes they don't. They got to. >> [music]. >> wait their time. >> I think there are repairs we can make to. our capitalist system without completely. upending everything. [music] When you. essentially your platform is just tear. it all down and rebuild. I don't think we need [music] to tear it. all down and rebuild. I think that we. need to repair our democracy in progress. in this experiment that we're on. >> [music]. >> We'll be right back.

Here's what else you need to know today. >> [music]. >> The Trump administration plans to spend. millions of dollars equipping. immigration officers with gloves that. can deliver electric shocks on contact. [music] to induce compliance. The gloves, which are sometimes referred. to as stun gloves, take [music] only a. second to be switched on by pressing a. button. And they're made by a Kentucky. company called Compliant Technologies.

[music]. The company says that the gloves emit a. much lower [music] voltage than a Taser. The Homeland Security Department. described the gloves as a de-escalation. device, but didn't answer questions. about whether [music] they might be used. to apprehend people or in encounters. with protesters. >> [music]. >> Today's episode was produced by Caitlin. O'Keefe, Jack Disidoro, and Carlos.

Prieto. [music]. It was edited by Rob Zipko and Paige. Cowett with help from Lisa Baley. And contains music by Pat McCusker, [music]. Dan Powell, and Mary Lizano. Our theme music is by Wonderly. This episode was engineered by Alyssa. Moxley. [music]. >> [music]. >> That's it for The Daily. [music] I'm.

Natalie Kitroeff. See you tomorrow.