CA Governor Candidate Steve Hilton on Why California is Destroying Itself & How a Republican Can Win

All right, everybody. Welcome back to. the All-In Interview Show. We're very. lucky today to have a candidate for the. governor of California who is extremely. unique in a number of ways. First of. all, he's a Republican. And second, he's. a Brit. [laughter] Welcome to the. program, Steve Hilton. You've decided to. increase the degree of difficulty. in two ways, but you're polling. fantastic. You've got five or six people. in the polls. So, >> he's leading the field.

>> You're uh leading the field. Obviously, it's going to get narrowed a bit when. the Democrats shiv a couple more people. and get them out of the race and then. pick their eventual winner in their. cobble um whenever that happens when. Nancy Pelosi picks who's running. But, uh Steve, [laughter] maybe you could. start by. Sorry guys, I got jokes. But, Steve, maybe you could introduce yourself a bit. and tell us why you're running. >> Well, hang on. Can I just say just after. that great intro where you just tried to. kill my chances in just a couple of. words. Thanks a lot, Jason. Really.

appreciate it. >> Let me actually tee this up. I've known. Steve since 2012 2013 when he and his. wife Rachel Wetstone moved to Silicon. Valley. Rachel worked at Facebook. initially and then she worked with you. Jason at Uber and then has had a great. run and then Steve similarly. And you. said it in a funny way, but ultimately. this is an incredible land of immigrants. and Steve has a really compelling story. So before we jump into the questions, I. know your background, Steve, but I do. think it's important go back to your.

parents, your mom, how you grew up, >> and just set the stage for how you made. it out from the way you started because. I think that's important and then how. you got to the United States and why. >> Thank you. Thank you. I appreciate that. And you're right. We've known each other. a long time now. And it's a great joy to. be here. By the way, just want to say. it's a great joy to be on a show where I. don't have to wear the the suit and. shirt. And you know, that's one of the. one of the things about running for. governor that um I'm I'm loving most of.

it, but dressing up is not the favorite. part for me. So, it's great to be with. you. I thought for this show, you know, we got to get it right. I think that the. back the more I think about my. background, the more I think it is. really important um in in terms of how I. see things and what I want to get done. Um my parents are Hungarian. They were. refugees from communism and I grew up in. in England in a town called Brighton on. the south coast and you know we just had. a regular workingass. um immigrant aspirational family story I.

guess. You know it was my my parents. actually split up when I was young. My. stepfather's also a Hungarian. He had an. amazing story. He was um a refugee as. well, but literally ran across the. border. He grew up in a small village on. the west side of Hungary. And in 1956. when you had the Soviet invasion, he. tells this amazing story. They heard on. the radio, "The Russians are coming.". And he and his brother and some friends. from his school, he was 14 years old, like one year younger than my youngest. son right now. Um and they just ran.

They literally ran for they said, "Right, the we want our freedom." and. they ran to the border, barbed wire. fences, minefields got shot at by the. guards. All that half of them were. killed and he ended up in a refugee camp. in Austria and from then to England. So. all of that I guess just gives you that. sense of real appreciation for actual. for freedom for freedom and opportunity. And [snorts] I grew up in England, worked very hard, ended up at Oxford. University, but my first job was project.

manager for a construction company. I. just wanted to earn money. I just wanted. to, you know, get out. I think that's. exactly the right phrase that you used. and um that's been the story. You know, after Oxford, I went to work for a. little bit of the Conservative Party in. England. Then I worked all I worked for. an big ad agency, worked all around the. world, started my own business, couple. of um offshoots of that, including a. couple of restaurants. then went back. into politics when my friend David. Cameron, who I'd met many years before,

um had gone into politics, got elected. to parliament. I helped run his campaign. for the leadership of the British. Conservative Party, won that election. and then wor with him to get the. Conservatives elected when he became. prime minister in 2010. Uh joined him in. 10 Downing Street. I was senior adviser. to the prime minister. Most of my job. was really focused on trying to. implement our uh reform program. And. then in 2012, that's when we met. We. moved here because Rachel, actually. before Facebook, she was at Google. Um,

and she had this big global job at. Google. She was running um comms and. public policy for Google worldwide. I. had my job in number 10. It was actually. when our second son was born. Um, it. just there was a lot, you know, the. travel for her and the time difference. So that's why we moved here. And I don't. know, should I stop there or do you want. me to keep. >> Well, you're also notably you became. naturalized. You're a citizen of the. United States now. So you have dual. citizenship. less people are confused by. the accent. You're running for governor. and you're a citizen of. >> Let's talk about your political setup.

So, being a child of Hungarian. immigrants raising communism, you're. going to hear a certain version of what. the role of the state is versus what the. role of the family or the individual is. Then, growing up in the UK, I'm sure. your attitudes either get cemented or. change. >> Give us the setup. What is the political. evolution of Steve Hilton? what did he. believe and then what does he believe. now and what has shaped these beliefs. >> It's really I think it goes back to just.

around the when I first really started. thinking about it all it was just as. Margaret Thatcher was coming to power. and you'd had the 70s in England were a. disaster and a decade that was just the. the economy was completely stagnant and. slurotic unions ran everything. Um there. was this period called the winter of. discontent in 1979 when you had massive. strikes um famously you know the dead.

went unburied and trash was piled up in. the street just real collapse of. everything and that's what thatcher came. in to fix and I really did identify with. that as well as with the very clear. stand against communism and so really. she was funny enough when I was thinking. about the the video that I made to to. launch my campaign about a year ago now. We ended up putting that in there and I. thought, well, actually that was the. thing that got me going. I was totally.

inspired by her, but also the focus that. she had on business and enterprise and. hard work. And remember my stepfather, I. mean, they weren't at all political, by. the way. It wasn't like some household. where we talked about politics. It. really wasn't. But he had this thing. that stuck in my mind when he talked. about the like in in England you've got. the Conservative Party equivalent of the. Republicans and for the Democrats it's. the Labor Party and I remember he just. used to say Mrs. Thatcher's for the.

workers and labor are for the layabouts. and I just this phrase stuck in my mind. about the importance of work and hustle. and I think about that all the time. >> Where do you think California is if you. contrast? Well, this is the this is the. point I was just about to get to is we. really are there. There are so many. things I see in California today that. are exactly like the UK in the 70s. You've got the massive dominance of the. unions in policym. You've got a slurotic.

economy. You've got massively high. taxation. I mean it was higher then the. at one point I think the top rate when. you add in the wealth taxes in the UK. was literally 98%. Um but you had that. confiscatory taxation and top rate of. 60% and so on. So very very similar and. actually funny enough um someone Mike. Moritz actually sent me a report that um. someone had done about the UK today and. and again there's just these eerie.

parallels with just how how impossible. it is to do anything in the UK to build. anything. the overregulation. When I. read this report, it just is exactly. like California today. By the way, one. thing, Jason, just to be clear, I am a. proud American now, but I'm not I. actually renounced my UK citizenship. I. did that because. >> I just wanted to be clear that I'm just. to borrow the title of the show, >> you be all in. All in. Literally, I re I. think it's really important everyone.

knows that and I am. >> And you have some to get into some maybe. some policy. Thanks for the background. there. You have some unique uh policy. positions. Taxes, I think, is the most. unique and dare I say pretty populist. You want to have no state tax in. California for people with under. $100,000 in income and then a flat tax. for everybody over 100K of but 7.5%. >> How is that possible? And is that.

something you've studied? And where did. this come from? the tax plan that um. that I put out there, that was the first. day of my campaign. I think of it as. proworker and prog growth. And I think. we need both of those things because if. you look at what's going on in. California today, just big picture. Obviously, you can look at the data. that's a real economic disaster. I'm not. sure people appreciate just how bad. things are because hiding behind that. data point of having the fourth largest. economy in the world, which is true, and. obviously I'm proud of that. I want.

California to be big and successful and. growing. But that fourth biggest economy. data point underneath that you've got. this with the state with the highest. unemployment rate in the country and the. highest poverty rate in the country tied. with Louisiana. There's a United Way. report just the other about about a year. ago. They do it every two years. sort of. an assessment of of of of living. conditions in California. And they found. that over a third of Californians cannot. afford to meet basic needs. And so the.

starting point for my tax plan is what. can we do quickly to help people who are. really struggling. Um if you think about. it, the working poor who aren't. particularly um being taken care of by. the welfare system. They're working. incredibly hard, but they're they're. being squeezed by all these costs. We. have the highest gas prices in the. country as you know the highest electric. bills everywhere except for Hawaii. Um. housing costs the highest in the country.

insurance all these costs are so high. So what can you do to help working. people quickly and so the starting point. was and what's affordable the $100,000. mark. I remember when when we I I was. just playing around with numbers. actually I did it with um some. economists from the Hoover Institution. where I was a fellow the first couple of. years that we moved to I taught at. Stanford um including in the public. policy department also the D school at. Stanford but I was also a fellow at the. at Hoover and so we did the math on the. tax plan there just just about a year.

ago and so the that first part first 100. grand taxfree actually in many counties. in California today the def the official. definition for low income is 100,000. Um, which so that number may sound very. high to people in other parts of the. country. It's actually the definition in. in a lot of counties of low income. So. you've got people earning 70 grand, 80. grand, 90 grand in California. They are. paying 9.3% state income tax. That rate.

is higher than the top rate in most. states in America. So to me that's. ridiculous when you've also got all. these other taxes that those exact. people are paying sales tax, property. tax, gas tax, all of those are the. highest in the country. >> So cutting taxes this significantly. means you have to then also cut. spending. >> Yes. But can I just do the other part of. it? >> I just did the other part which is the. 7.5% flat tax. I just thought, you know, when you look at the the the the facts.

about economic performance, the fact. that, you know, for example, Chief. Executive Magazine ranks us and has done. for the last 10 years or so the 50th out. of 50 for business climate. A big driver. of that is tax. And I'm sure we'll get. into the the insane proposed. billionaires tax and you know, all these. things that are driving wealth creation. out of our state and business investment. out of our state. So it's not enough. just to take care of or give some relief. to people who are on the lower end of. the scale. You've got to actually have a.

pro-investment, progrowth tax framework. And so apart from anything else, the. complexity is ridiculous of our tax. system. These endless different rates is. ridiculously complicated. Um and that. itself is a cost. The bureaucracy and. hassle associated with that. That's why. I think a flat tax makes sense. Remember. this is in you know in the context of. federal taxes, all these other taxes. It's not the only component, but the. cost is the to get to that cost, you've. got to reduce spending exactly as you. say. And basically the the the cost of.

that in total is about an 18.5%. reduction in revenue, which takes us. back it takes us down about 60 billion, something like that, which is not even. going back to what the budget was just. before the pandemic. They've actually d. if you look at the budget of the state. of California, it's nearly doubled in. the last 10 years. is in the last 5. years it's gone up something like 75%. And so this is just bringing the budget. back to achieve that entire tax cut.

would bring the budget back just to. where it was roughly before the. pandemic. >> Let me just summarize. So if you make. between 0 and $100,000 a year as a. California resident under your plan, no. tax, >> no state income tax. >> No state income tax. If you make. $100,000 in a dollar and above, you pay. 7.5% flat tax. >> Yes, that's the concept. >> Okay. How many Californians. does that impact? So, what percentage of.

the population now get that affordance. if you were to. >> million the tax numbers usually only. households and so it's about 7 million. households would benefit from from the. under 100,000. Do you know how many that is as a. percentage? >> Well, working house, we got 40 million. people. I think that's about um probably. just over a third, something like that. >> Okay. So, a third of homes now. essentially go to zero tax. >> State income tax. Yeah, there's all. these other taxes that. >> now the push back would be if we then.

take it dollar for dollar from the. operating budget, programs will suffer. >> And to to your point, your comment is. I'm putting words in your mouth, but you. filled them in. Well, not really because. we're just going to go back to 2019 2020. budgets and the difference was we spent. a dollar in 2020, we now spend $2 and. nothing has changed. So, yeah, go from. $2 back to $150 and everything should be. fine is your point. >> Yes. And I'd actually go further than. that. So, first of all, what we've seen. happen to the budget is basically the.

expansion that we saw in in the in the. pandemic and afterwards is gone baked. into the baseline, which is totally. unsustainable. And so we got to get back. to even even without tax cuts, I would. argue you've got to get back to a more. reasonable growth in spending because we. go bankrupt. Um, as we're seeing with. these deficits that that we're getting. even when in times when we're not in. recession and taking money out of the. reserves, out of the rainy day fund to. plug the gaps, which is what they're. doing, totally irresponsible fiscally. But actually, it's more than that. Even.

if you just if if you don't change. anything in the composition of the. spending and just get back to where we. were, that gives you scope for a major. reduction in tax. But the other part of. it is what we're discovering in terms of. where the money is actually going. And. so obviously the whole fraud story has. exploded as a national political and. economic story um ever since Nick. Shirley's first investigation in. Minnesota just around the time of. Thanksgiving last year. Well, we've been.

making our own um contribution to that. So, a few months ago, I set up our I. literally called it Cal Do California. Department of Government Efficiency. I. know that's a controversial brand, but. you know, then the idea of it efficient. government is something I think everyone. would support. So, I thought why not use. that because everyone knows what it is. So we've been just looking at the. published data on spending to find. examples and to make an estimate of the. total amount of of fraud, waste and.

abuse in the system. And we've now. published four separate fraud reports. out of Cal Doge. When I say we, by the. way, it's I mean this is a longer story. we can get into, but one of the ways I. think I'm running this campaign. differently is that I'm actually putting. together a team uh before the election. of the of in terms of others who will. run with me for statewide office because. you've got some very important positions. alongside the governor that are going to. be crucial in putting us back on track. In this instance, the state controller.

is very important because the state. controller is an elected position has. the legal power to audit any. organization receiving state money and. to stop the flow of money if there's any. um suspicion of improper spending. So, there's a guy running with me called. Herb Morgan and we've been doing this. work together and we've published four. reports now, three of them on individual. examples of fraud. We can get into that. in a second if you want to know some of. the examples are really shocking. And.

then the fourth one was an estimate of. the total and we just went through. published data from the state auditor. from Medicaid error rates and so on to. make an estimate of the total amount of. fraud. >> What did you find? >> Give us a couple of examples. >> Here's some specific examples. The. second fraud report um with it's a. classic $1 billion over the last 10. years 100 million every year since 2015. This is from the climate change.

mitigation fund which is part of the cap. and trade system. This is actually gas. taxes and search charges on electric. bills and so on. 100 million a year was. allocated to be spent on climate change. mitigation. In this case, it was solar. panels for lowincome apartment. buildings. So, we actually tracked that. money and um with an AI partner that can. get all the reports and of that 1. billion total in 10 years, the actual.

amount spent on the purported benefit. here solar panel installation was 72. million. 928 million actually went to. nonprofits doing all all the usual. Democrat associated. frankly, voter registration, um environmental justice campaigns, all. that kind of stuff. The actual thing was. mostly spent on that. That's $1 billion. The the first one was the cannabis tax,

Proposition 64, legalizing cannabis. There's a tax associated with that. supposed to be spent on um substance. abuse prevention. We found $350 million. that was supposed to be spent on. substance abuse prevention. Again, going. to this network of nonprofits, over 500. of them and small individual grants. When you look at what each of those. organizations does, it's all the usual. stuff, voter registration, activism. So. the the third one was project home key. that we we looked into which was the.

homelessness thing that they set up. after the pandemic which was buying up. property for homeless people um and. sometimes can building new property for. homeless people or converting hotels 3.8. 8 billion that was on that one that we. found. I mean there others have found. other amounts um most of which went into. the pockets of developers without any um. real. >> the California budget if I'm not. mistaken 350 odd billion. >> 350 billion 349 this year. Yeah.

>> What percentage of it in your best. estimation with you and your team do you. think is inefficient fraudulent wasted? Well, our number over the last five. years total our estimate was 425. billion. So averaged over the years it's. about 80 billion a year. So that's so. it's around, you know, 20% or so. That's. unbelievable. >> Yeah. And now just to bring some reality. to the situation, you would have to get. through the legislature, which is both. controlled by Democrats. You can't.

unilaterally as the governor just say, "Hey, we're cutting these services." And. we had a governor Schwarzenegger who. tried this very thing. He had to move to. the center. You of course I believe in. California have a line item veto. So you. have some balance there. >> But this is fantastic for people to. maybe get a reprieve from taxes. You're. going to get a major fight with. Democrats to cut any spending. What's. your plan there if you were to win?

>> So Jason, I a couple of things. You're. right about that. Um, and I'm very. thoughtful about the realities of these. things and I always make clear that I. think certainly on the tax plan that. taxes definitely you can't do that. without the legislature. I think that. actually we'll get a we there's a. possibility of a consensus around some. of these items where we can actually. work together with the legislature to. make it happen. One indicator of that is. actually one of my Democrat opponents in.

the governor's race, Katie Porter. Um, actually, you know, we were doing a. debate the other week in Fresno and she. just said, we were talking about. affordability or whatever it was and she. said, "Well, I'm I'm I've decided I'm. stealing Steve Hilton's tax plan. I. agree with him. First 100 grand. tax-free, and I think we should take. good ideas where we find them." So, this. is an interesting example that I think. that part of it I think we may be able. to actually persuade the legislature to. do. >> And then I noticed she yelled at you and. said, "Get the hell out of her shot.".

>> [laughter]. >> her video. >> except a stronger word than eight. Exactly. Than hell. Um so the the. attitude that I've got on that whole. question of the legislature is that when. I'm elected that's and I'm sure your. eyebrows are raised and saying what are. you talking about? It's impossible for. Republicans to win and we'll get into. that. But I'm I'm doing this on the. basis that I will and I'm preparing to. actually start implementing the big. changes we need to make um in a. thoughtful manner on day one because.

otherwise what's the point of doing. this? Steve, do you think that there's. legislative agreement or momentum to. give you the win? Even though to your. point, I think it's quite significant. that the Democrats would signal that. it's a legitimate policy proposal, but. do you think that if you win, people. would see the forest from the trees and. realize how important it would be to. take salaries under 100,000 to no state. income tax? Look, the we have I've seen. the, you know, the Democrat arguments.

now up front many many times. We've done. a lot of events together, some of the. televised debates, many more that aren't. televised. We're literally all saying the same. thing in all the in terms of the. diagnosis of the problem. >> It's incredibly expensive to live here. People can't, you know, people are. really struggling. The business climate. is a disaster. We're massively. overregulated. We can't build anything. everything takes too long, everything's. too complicated. You know, there's a. there's a real consensus about. diagnosing the problem among all the.

candidates. And so I think that that. doesn't mean that we agree, of course, on the solutions. I would argue that the. Democrats all, you know, in some version. of more of the same actually, despite. what they say about the problems, but I. think that um there are certain things. where we will be able to get agreement. I also think that when you have a. situation where you have the first. Republican governor elected for 20. years, that really will change the. dynamic in Sacramento, I think it'll it.

actually may, >> you know, loosen things loosen things up. a little bit because I think that there. are people there in the legislature who. really understand that things have gone. too far. Some of them have said it to me. personally, Democrats there, but they. feel constrained by the current. political situation, the machine being. in control. They can't really move and. and I think that'll shake things up a. little bit. That's one point. Secondly, you know, I really do have experience. working across party lines like this. I.

think that I'll be able to bring some of. that into play. I mentioned earlier I. worked in in 10 Downing Street, senior. adviser to the prime minister. He was a. conservative prime minister, but it was. a coalition government. Um, and I. literally shared an office in 10 Downing. Street with my opposite number from. another party and we would, you know, hash things out and argue and, you know, we were part of the team that negotiated. a coalition agreement and then tried to. implement it. And I think that those. skills of actually putting something.

together where you don't agree about. everything, but you can make some things. happen. I think it'll be useful in this. situation. And I think we can I mean, look, everyone agrees. we call going. like this in California. >> And it's not farical to think a. Republican can't win here. Pete Wilson. did two terms. Schwarzenegger did two. terms. That's 16, I guess, of the last. 36 years. It is completely conceivable. that a Republican could win. And you and. Katie Porter have the same plan. I think. Chad Biano has the same plan, which is. under 100,000. All of you agree no.

taxes. That you're all attacking. affordability. They don't believe in. cutting services though. They want to. increase taxes on businesses, if I'm. correct. And so, why is that plan not as. good as yours, I guess, is the question. Which one do you think would be more. more appealing to the voters? Would the. voters I think they'll all agree. Paying. less taxes, fantastic. Makes you more. competitive with Florida and Texas. But. if they had their brothers, they're. probably going to want to see Google and. Apple pay more in taxes and not lose.

their services. >> Yeah. But we're losing jobs. And I think. that that's the consequence of of of. squeezing. um businesses and high earners more and. more. And you're seeing it right now. You're seeing the business exodus. Um if. the billionaire tax proposal goes. through, I mean that absolutely puts, you know, I think that's a just complete. disaster for for the tech ecosystem and. what we've built in Silicon Valley over. the years and all the job creation and. and wealth creation that comes with.

that. um you're seeing I mean I just. it's not just everywhere you go in the. state there are so many conversations. you sit down with business people you. know we we are we are on the brink of. leaving I don't think people realize. quite quite how near the cliff edge we. are um and if and it's I give you. another example we are I was just in. Pomona the other day down in Southern. California fantastic company sheet metal. um it's an HVAC duct manufacturing it's. exactly the kind of thing you'd want. here they're union jobs actually it's a.

great um you know manufacturing facility. they are making the these HVAC systems. the air conditioning incredibly. important as as you know for uh TSMC and. these semiconductor factories and all. these the high-end manufacturing that's. happening in other states in and these. these facilities now massive amounts of. investment in the AI economy and and. tech more broadly but none of it's. happening in California I mean we just. published our policy report on that. today how we can get some of that that.

full stack of those jobs in California. But that company l they said to me since. the the facilities are all now being. built in other pl in other states. We're. on the brink of moving our facility to. be closer because what's the point of. making this stuff in California. It's. not going to be used because nothing's. happening nothing's going to be. happening in California. So you have to. stop this squeeze on business. You. really do. >> Let me ask about the broader cost of. living for a second. Probably the most.

impactful cost to people's lived. experience is the cost of housing. >> Yeah. >> Double click into that for a second. For. the 40 million residents of California, what is going on? Why are rents so high? Why are homes so expensive? And what can. actually be done to make the cost of. living and rent cheaper? So the thing.

this particular issue I think almost. captures better than anything else the. underlying structural reasons why. everything is so difficult in California. and so expensive because you got these. three structural forces that I think. underpin the problem and show why a. Democrat can't fix it. And the three. things are union power, litigation and. climate dogma. and they all come. together in the housing story. The first.

part of the story is that we're just not. building enough homes for the number of. jobs that we're creating and the size of. our population. It's a classic supply. and demand situation. Now, within that, there are certain, you know, wrinkles. You could point out that because of rent. control, which has got completely out of. control, there are a lot of empty. properties in California that could be. used to house people, but they're not. because landlords don't want to don't.

want to do it because the the rights. have gone have swung so far in favor of. tenants. But I don't think that's the. major driver. The major driver is the. fact that we just haven't built enough. housing of different kinds. And if you. go through the reasons for that and why. it's so expensive, it brings into play. these three factors. First of all, it. just costs more to build anything in. California. The same exact floor plan, house, apartment building, industrial. building, whatever it is, cost cost two. or three times more to build in other in.

in California than in neighboring. states. The first reason is the building. codes, the actual requirements for. construction which is way more ownorous. driven by climate dogma that actually. doesn't really provide much specific. What does that mean climate dogma? >> Well, you have to install here we are. >> because like Nevada's hot and. droughtridden and Arizona has issues. So. what is it that we say that those states. don't say? So when you build apartments. or when you when you build parking you. have to put in EV charging.

um and the scale of what's required for. the EV charging just makes it more. expensive. You have to you know like you. do a parking structure they have to. reinforce the floors. The bays have to. be wider just it adds you can have you. you have fewer bays per structure. Um. there's the specific cost associated. with that. um solar panels, we talked. about that earlier in terms of. low-inccome apartments that the that. taxes are paying for. Um developers have.

to pay for that as well. Um insulation, um energy efficiency, all these things. are good. And I think that's pretty much. the story of California, which is things. that start with good intentions actually. end up being taken to an extreme where. it just makes it too expensive to build. at a rate that people can afford to buy. the properties. And the other two are. really that SQA where anybody can sue on. behalf. >> exactly the private right of action. under SQA. So that and and but let's. unpack that because that brings together. the three things climate um litigation.

and unions because see the California. environmental quality act itself is is a. nightmare in terms of this the amount of. regulation you have to comply with the. private right of action means anyone can. sue 70% of SQA lawsuits are used to. block housing most of those lawsuits are. filed by unions they're used as leverage. to negotiate pro what they call project. labor agreement ments where you have an. agreement for the site and usually they. have one or one of both one or two of.

these components both of which sound. great skilled and trained workforce. which means union only so it's a closed. shop and prevailing wage again sounds. very good but it's two or three times. market rate wages so both of those. things inflate the cost often I've. spoken to many developers there aren't. enough union workers in in the area to. actually do the job so They have to. sometimes fly them in from other states. to do the job and the cost of travel and.

accommodation. It's just. >> this is the key. There's no equivalent. to SQA in Texas uh where I now reside uh. after 20 years in California. The other. thing is the fees. It's 30,000 per door. in fees to the government. Exactly. Yeah. To to build a door in California. It's under a thousand in Texas. And in. California has three times the new units. per capita than California. So every. year we produce three times as many new. homes per capita. >> Just a simple question though guys, put. this into chat GPT or whatever.

>> California's mandate with SQA is to. protect the air, protect the water, protect the land by some measures. Texas doesn't have it. Is it the case. that Texas's air is worse, the water is. worse, and the land is worse? >> No, definitely not. >> Yeah. >> So is is it roughly the same? meaning. the particulate count, the pollen count, is the air quality the same because if. it is then what is SQA doing other than.

just slowing down and retarding the. progress of housing? Why hasn't that. study? Because I think again all of this. guys comes back to when the data is. presented in a way that's factual, there's very little room for people on. both sides to argue it because they're. all relatively smart. It's when it's. presented either in a partisan way or by. somebody who reeks of partisanship that. I think people attack the messenger. versus the message. So I'm just trying.

to understand why hasn't the California. government confronted this? It has the. highest rents in America. It has the. highest poverty rate in America and it. also has the highest regulation that has. the lowest and the slowest unit housing. growth. Steve, I guess what I'm asking. you is how does that not get to the. legislators more? >> Okay. Well, I'll tell you it's I'm. afraid the answer is the corruption. within the system and the interest. groups that have taken over the system.

I'll tell you a story which is my first. I I know a lot about housing policy. because the first area of policy I. studied when I decided that I wanted to. get into the whole world of policy and. politics in California. I actually tried. to get a ballot initiative qualified for. the ballot that would have two elements. to it. One is what Jason just mentioned. capping impact fees which are now up to. about 20% of the cost of housing. Um I. wanted to do a statewide cap of 3% um of.

construction cost and the second. component was eliminating the private. right of action under secret. I didn't. succeed in getting it on the ballot. Didn't raise enough money in time. So. then I tried to pursue it through the. legislature said well let's see if we. can make some something happen in the. legislature. So I went to Sacramento I. took meetings with legislators started. to engage with Sacramento. There was one. meeting I had with the legislator who. was described to him is good on housing. This is a person you need to talk to and. we had a great meeting. They said this.

would be transformational. I said great let's work on it together. bipartisan. You're Democrat. I'm a. Republican. That'd be great. People like. that. Oh, I couldn't support you. publicly. Why not? Well, the unions. would hate it. Why? Because if you take. away the private right of action, you. take away the union's leverage. And I. said, "Yeah, but you just told me it. would be transformational." We were. sitting in an office. You could see the. state capital down below, high up. They. just waved their arm around like this. and said, "Yeah, the unions run this. place." And that's the real reason. If.

you look at for example Newsome touted. these two bills last year AB130 AB131. that were going to solve the housing. crisis. He said this is the moment where. we are embracing abundance and all the. rest of it big squa exemptions for. certain types of housing. But if you. look at the fine print tucked away in. it, you only get the exemptions if you. have these project labor agreements and. union union closed shop and prevailing. wage. So you're just writing back in.

exactly the things that Sequ is causing. the cost increases from. So because the. UN and what let's follow all the way. through. If you look at Gavin Newsome's. political donations over the 16 years. he's been running statewide just as a. proxy for Democrat politicians by. category. The number one category. government unions, number two trial. lawyers, number three non-government. unions. So these are the that's why. nothing changes because the the. interests that benefit from this system.

are funding the politicians that make. the decisions. >> Yeah. And Chamat to your other question. of like is the environment better since. 1970 when this regulation came into. pass. >> California still has the worst air. quality in the country largely because. of the addiction to cars and traffic. And then Texas as a comparison just has. industrial waste problems because we. have a lot of chemicals here or chemical. processing done here. >> So we have a car loving culture in.

California to your point Jason. It's. part of our cultural fabric driving down. Highway 1. It's just a very iconic thing. that's embedded in this state. Steve, I. have two questions. What has all of the. incremental regulations. done with respect to climate quality, whether it's EV mandates or the ice. engine requirements? And then. separately, just as a more general way. to explain it, >> why is gas in California 7 8 gallon and. why is it $3 everywhere else? Why is.

ours more than 2x that it costs. everywhere else, including other states. that are also quite expensive to live. in? Well, also that they don't that we. we have the highest gas in the country, including Hawaii in the middle of the. Pacific Ocean, even though we have. abundant oil reserves here. So, we have. way higher gas prices than states that. don't have oil reserves. We actually. have very significant oil reserves in. California. Um the the fundamental. reason that gas prices are so high is. because again in the name of climate, but without actually in this case, it's.

counterproductive to climate. um instead. of using the production that we have. here in California, I've been to the oil. fields in Kern County mainly near. Bakersfield. Um we are now importing. nearly 80% of the oil that we use over. the period of the since really this all. started in 2006 with the passage of the. global warming solutions act. That was. the sort of foundational climate. legislation in California. Over that. period, our use of fossil fuels has. declined by not that much. And the.

proportion of our energy that's coming. from fossil fuels is is about 80% still. The rest of the country it's about 81%. So it's barely any different. But the. difference is we used to produce most of. what we use in state. Now we are. importing nearly 80%. And that has. driven up course you have to ship it. from halfway around the world. Our. number one provider is Iraq right now. That's the number one source of oil. >> Sorry, sorry.

The state of California. itself, we. are the wholly dependent on Iraqi oil to. sustain our economy. >> Not wholly, it's it's the number one. provider. Yes. So if you look at the. sources of oil, number one, Iraq, number. two, I think it's Ecuador and Brazil. But the the the broader point on that is. because the we used to have a let's just. go back a few steps. We had a really.

strong energy industry and. infrastructure in California where we. produced most of the oil and gas that we. use and we had refineries about 40 of. them um around the state mostly in the. Bay Area down near LA that refined and. turned it into products that we use. gasoline and so on. Um now we're down to. seven refineries. One of the main. reasons for that is that we're not. producing what we what we what we could. be refining. we're shipping it in. instead because there are no pipelines. of of there are no oil pipelines into.

California. Whatever we don't if we. don't use our own, we have to bring it. in by tanker. Um because of this and. because of the the the fact that the. refineries were built to to refine. California crude, which is known as. heavy crude. Um there different types. around the world. You got to have a good. match. Iraq provides Iraqi oil is a good. match. The other place whose oil is a. good match for our refineries is South. America. And so as a result of Democrat.

climate policy, we are now expanding oil. drilling in the Amazon rainforest in. order to provide the right kind of oil. for California's refineries. I mean, it's just so utterly insane and. incoherent. And of course in the process. we're spewing out carbon emissions. because the tankers run on what's called. bunker fuel which is the most polluting. form of transportation there is. And. just to make the whole insane scheme. work carb the California Air Resources. Board which is obsessed with having all.

other businesses account for their. carbon emissions right down the supply. chain. Miraculously the carbon emissions. for the oil imports are only counted. from when they're 12 miles off the coast. of [laughter] California. It's just so. crazy. >> Yeah. Change the finish line. Yeah. >> The taxes add like a dollar a gallon and. then there's this carb standard. >> It's about 60. Yeah. It's just It's more. like 61 I thought or 65. I can't. remember exactly. It's just going up. again. Yeah. Yeah. >> Most of the most of the in most of the.

$2 premium as it were for California is. regulatory, not taxes. >> Yes. And most of the oil that's been. pulled out of the ground in California, we got the easy stuff out. what's left. is generally dirtier or thicker. >> process. No, it's not right. I've had a. lots of conversation with the industry. on this and the the the problem is that. you've got fields that could be. producing but and actually it's a good. example of what you can do as governor. without the legislature because the way. that they've been shutting down.

production is not legislatively is. through an agency of the state. government called Calgen the California. Department of Geologic and Energy. Management and it's simply a question of. refusing to issue permits for the. various stages of production including. including maintaining existing wells or. expanding. There's a process called. sidetracking where you can take a well. that's doing five barrels a day and. increase it to 100 whatever um and then. drilling new wells in existing fields. and they're denying permits for all of. that. Actually, you can pretty much turn.

that around overnight by appointing. people who are pro- energy who will. issue permits because I think there's a. simple common sense rule here, which is. as long as we're using oil and gas in. California, let's use our oil and gas. rather than importing it. But the my. conversations with the industry is that. I said, "Look, what could what could we. do if we had a kind of green light from. a governor that and and a regulatory. framework that just says, "Let's do what. we can. Let's produce what we can." The.

estimate that I've got from them is that. we can double production every two years. in California. If we're already one of. the big gas burning states with the. worst air or previously my state, you. know, then you're gonna get into the. circular conversation with the public of. do we want the air quality to decrease? And most people would say the EV credits. were actually a good thing because we. had 20 years of smog going down. Even. though we're still worse, it's gotten a. lot better. So that smog is not to do. with carbon, but that there's a real mis.

mis misunderstand. So the completely. agree on air quality and and one of the. major advances that has been made is on. picking the LA basin is on smog. Obviously I wasn't here then but people. say you know it's really bad and now. it's not. You have clean skies and you. can see Mount Baldi or whatever. You. know it's like a really different world. but that's nothing to do with carbon. emissions. Um and so and that that's to. do with actually the the main driver of. this of the air quality improvements in.

California actually car technology. Um. and if you look at EVs I mean EV. penetration even with all the subsidies. and so on. It's incredibly low in. California. So you can't you can't um. point it's about four or 5% something. like that tiny. So actually the. improvements in air quality, dramatic. improvements that you saw in LA were. nothing to do with EVs. >> Steve, I want to switch topics to. education. This is a thing that. we on the pod talk about a lot. We're. all the byproduct of a pretty fantastic.

education system, affordable education, frankly, at every level. We had options. to pay for it. >> We all had access to things like AP to. really distinguish ourselves. >> Even Jason. >> Yeah. Um, [laughter]. >> that's true. >> What's happening in the California. education system? Why are we stripping. away things like AP? And how do we tie. compensation to outcomes? Because I. think, >> yeah, >> a lot of us would want to pay teachers. triple, but we'd want to tie it to.

something that says, "Wow, the test. scores are going up. Our kids can read. Our kids can write. Our kids can compete. on the global stage." And it just feels. like we are moving backwards. >> We really are. And it's just I mean the. numbers are horrific. I mean, you've got. we first of all, we we spend nearly the. most of any state per student right now. in this year. It's about 27,000 just. it's more than just over 27,000 per. student per year in California. If you. take the average out the money and we. get some of the worst results in the.

country le I think the number for you. know 40 it's 47% that meet basic. standards in English and reading so less. than half meet basic standards for math. it's 35%. So twothirds do not meet the standards. It's just an insane level of failure. considering we spend nearly the most. And I think again you've got to look at. this in a practical way. There's a. long-term structural reform that I think. we need because the the driver of this. is really the grip on the government.

school monopoly of the teacher unions. who increasingly have been driven by. ideological factors. You saw that for. example in the pandemic when you saw the. you know the longest and most. destructive school closures in the. country and I was always struck by LA. the teacher union in LA when they put. out their demands for reopening schools. it was just a list of polit was a wealth. tax Medicare for all something about. Palestine you know it's just they've.

completely become an organized political. interest group that's about their. members and broader political goals. rather than anything to do with the. interests of students and kids in. school. So I think that the fact that. you got this monopoly is of of the. public tool system controlled by the. unions. They of course in turn control. the politicians as I mentioned earlier. the number one donor to democrat. politicians of these government unions. including the teacher unions. And so you.

got to break that grip. So I think that. long-term the answer is to move in the. direction of school choice which I've. always been a strong advocate of. You're. seeing that school choice revolution. across the country now. many states. moving very rapidly in the direction. with really good results. It's not a. panacea. Um but I think that that is the. long-term structural change you need, but that takes a long time and it's. going to be very very hard to get that. moving in California given the fact that. the teacher unions basically control the. legislature through the Democrat.

politicians they put there. So there are. some practical things that we've got to. do immediately to improve these basic. standards. And here we got to look at. what works elsewhere. And you see a lot. of lot of attention now on Mississippi. Rightly so, because for onethird of. their spend per student than California, their results are spectacularly better. And it's really happened in the last 10. years. And there's some simple practical. things that they do. Number one is how. you teach kids to read. There's a.

technique of to of reading instruction. I mean, this was a debate I remember. having back in the day in England in the. '9s, and it's pretty much settled then, which is there's a technique called. phonics. It's a way to teach kids to. read, and it's totally clearly. established as the most effective. It's. barely used in California schools at. all. It's like in a very small. proportion of schools of public schools. So, that's something that the governor. can drive forward through the state. board of education where you appoint all. the members. Secondly, in Mississippi,

they introduce something very common. sense, which is, as everyone in. education says, up to about third grade, you're learning to read. And then from. fourth grade, you're reading to learn. And if you can't read, you can't learn. And so there's widespread consensus that. reading by third grade, by the end of. third grade, is incredibly important. benchmark. In Mississippi, if you don't. read by, you not don't pass the basic. reading test by end of third grade. They. give you a bit of help over the summer. and if you still don't make it, you. repeat the year. They don't let you go.

forward. That single change has. transformed their results. And then your. point about accountability also happens. there where they give and and this is. something else that we could implement. here which is taking the publicly. available test scores and data but. really assigning it in a very visible. way to individual teachers and. individual schools. And that's one of. the proposals I've got in my campaign, which is a grade for every school and a. grade for every teacher so we can reward.

the good ones and remove the bad ones. >> Two more topics that Californians are. very passionate about and have a lot of. opinions about. I think one is pretty. challenging and the other one seems. pretty easy and other states have. handled it where it's easier. Crime and. then homelessness. uh crime obviously as. a society we've seen violent crime go. down over the long arc of our lifetimes. in the last 40 or 50 years but. California still 30% more violent than.

the rest of the country so we definitely. have a violence problem specific to. California and if you live in the major. cities San Francisco Los Angeles they. let people out for petty crimes under. $850 there seems to and we see going to. a drugstore everything's locked up so. there is a feeling and a lot of debates. over the numbers that there's a lot more. property crime. Some people claim people. don't report it anymore. That was my. lived experience in California. What is your take on crime and then. we'll go to homelessness?

>> Yeah, I mean it's just it's this classic. thing in California where they seem to. be brilliant at passing laws, right? Every year more and more laws, more and. more bloat and bureaucracy, more on. nanny state nonsense. Last session, for. example, they passed, this is one. session, 1,118. bills. One that that's the number of. bills that the legislature passed. I we. did an thing outside the state capital. I mean, I'm not very tall. We printed. them all out. It's like double my.

height. I mean, just ridiculous. The. point I'm making is really good at. passing laws, but not very good at. enforcing them. there's just something. missing in terms of the app of the. willingness to just enforce the law. That's going to be one of the main. points I make in terms of homelessness. But when you get to crime, there's just. this attitude. I mean, there's something. off about how the left has has has seen. this issue. And just when you think. it's, you know, the worst excesses of.

defund the police and all that have. receded, you've now got them popping up. What is it this new thing? microl. looting, right? Oh, microl looting. Isn't the New York Times and Slack. podcast are going on about, oh, it's. fine cuz it's just social justice and we. we're allowed to kind of basically steal. things cuz it's okay. It's just. unbelievable subversion of basic. >> um values and morality. Just. unbelievable on crime. It's very. decentralized in terms I mean there's. some state things that need to be d.

remember the law that you're talking. about that legalized theft up to $950 a. day that has that part has been. overturned that was Prop 47 which was a. few years ago has been overturned by. Prop 36 which was overwhelmingly passed. in 2024 by about 70% but of course it's. not being properly implemented. Gavin. Newsome was against it and so were most. Democrats in the state. the people. passed it anyway, but now there's real. resistance to enforcing it, which is. ridiculous in terms of the overall.

picture though, it is very localized. You know, you've got local police forces. and sheriff's department and so on. So, my focus has been well, what can you do. as governor? And the one of the biggest. drivers I think that's that's caused the. problem is is really started with Jerry. Brown before Gavin Newsome. Gavin. Newsome's accelerated it, which is the. prison closure program. They've they've. they've they've basically al also this. is classic California. They've reduced. the number of prison places by half.

Guess what happened to the budget? It. doubled. >> Not [laughter] quite not quite that bad, but like it's a classic. They double. they cut the numbers in half. Double the. budget. But the point, the serious point. is that you've had tens of thousands of. really dangerous violent criminals. either released directly into the. community or more or or more, you know, um destructively for this for the system. transferred to county jails which are. now completely overcrowded. Um and. therefore at the local level, the whole.

system is aware that you've had all. these transfers from state prison. the. system is full and so there's no. capacity and that really undermines the. kind of accountability that judges and. prosecutors would want to seek at the. local level because they know the jails. are full and so that in turns undermines. law enforcement because they say what's. the point I mean I hear this term all. the time from law enforcement around the. state I'm traveling the state the whole. time they talk about catch and release. as the basic operating rule for local.

for the kinds of crimes you're talking. about you catch them they just release. nothing happens. And so that that undermines law. enforcement. They think, why bother if. we're just going to bring these people. in and nothing's going to happen to. them. And that in turn undermines public. confidence because everyone sees that. and then they, as you just said, don't. bother reporting it. So a simple thing. we can do that is completely within the. governor's control is stop and reverse. the prison closure program, which is. what I've committed to doing is to. increase prison capacity in California.

That means that you can relieve the. pressure on county jails, but also that. means that you can use the prisons for. what they should be doing. Not just. bringing accountability. You commit a. crime, you should be punished, but also. rehabilitation. We've got one with not. the worst, but one of the worst. recidivism rates in the whole country. And if you had if you if we did one of. the best one of the best states is. Virginia, they're they're less than half. what we have. that would massively. reduce crime if you could just get, you. know, there's that, you got to take. seriously the rehabilitation part. I.

mean, a huge proportion of prisoners in. these jails, they can't read properly. Many have dyslexia. You know, you you've. got to have a really serious view on it. And they just don't. They have an. ideological view. I think that is the. problem with so many of these issues. It's ideology. In this case, it's. decarceration. Can't have people in. prison. Prison is racist. Criminal. justice reform. All this ideology. instead of just practical things to keep. people safe. >> Newsome shut down four or five of the. California state prisons. You're. absolutely correct. Uh, according to my.

notes, and then it peaked in 2006. California had 165,000 people in state. prisons. Now 93,000 people. So, it is. definitely a trend. Uh, and I think a. lot of folks who are living here or who. were living in California where I used. to live are not in favor of that. Uh, looking at homelessness, is it. intractable in California? >> One thing I'll just point out if people. are interested in digging in further to. some of the things I've been saying. There's a couple of places you can go. for real depth on this, which is the.

last three years, um, I've been. traveling the state and kind of learning. about this stuff and developing. solutions. And I had a policy. organization for that called Golden Toto. together. goldento together.com and you. can find policy reports on many of these. areas we've discussed and more including. one on homelessness called ending. homelessness. And actually my real. partner in developing that was someone. called Michelle Ste who's done a lot of. work on this. She actually run um. homeless shelters and and really at the. at the kind of street level of this for.

many many years. also someone called Tom. Wolf who's given me a lot of great. advice. He's in San Francisco, a. recovering addict um a recovered addict. who's who's just fantastic. >> He's very vocal on Twitter and uh very. common sense approach. Yeah. >> Yeah. Exactly. Okay. So, it's very. simply I'll try and sort of capture it. simply. It's a it's three points. Number. one, it actually already is illegal to. live on and the homeless encampments. already are illegal. They've always been. illegal. Um it's another example of. where we just got to enforce the law. Um.

for years local politicians in. California hid behind a court ruling. that is called the Boise ruling from. many years ago which stated it's the. ninth circuit ruling applies to the. western states which is that the the. statement there was you can you can't. remove people from the street unless you. have sufficient shelter available. locally. And they used this to say we. can't remove people because we don't. have enough shelter. It didn't define. what shelter was. They defined it as. these permanent supportive housing units.

costing $900,000. a door, but it could have been, you. know, a camp with CS. You know, there's. no reason. But even that excuse has been. lifted because there's a Supreme Court. case called Grants Pass versus Oregon in. 2024 overturned that. So there's no. excuse. you you these people running. local governments what they they they. have the power and the legal authority. to remove every single homeless. encounter and they should and my.

argument is I'll give that once I'm. elected I'll give them a certain amount. of time and if they haven't done it then. I'll use state law enforcement resources. to take people off the streets and then. you get to point two and three of the. plan which is what do you you got to. give people help in a compassionate way. help them get their lives back on track. so over 80% of people who are homeless. have drug or alcohol problems s. addiction or me severe mental health. problems. So you got to deal with that. So the second part is drug and alcohol. recovery. Got to you got to get people. into recovery. That used to be the rule. in California, rehab or jail. And we got.

to get back to that. It can't be an. option. You got plenty of service. providers who can do it. You got to. require it. I mean last year even the de. going back to our point about the. legislature even the democrat. legislature passed a bill called the. sober housing act which would have taken. a certain proportion of homeless. spending and allocated it to uh shelter. where you had a requirement was. sobbriety vetoed that bill. It's. unbelievable. So we got to have it 100%.

um sober requirement for any kind of. state services on homelessness. The. third part is mental health where. honestly going back to the jails. conversation, you talk to sheriffs. around the state, they the number. varies, but they say 50 I've heard as. high as 70% of the people in their jails. have severe mental health problems. That's where we are actually treating. people with mental health problems. Either they're on the street or they're. in jail is totally barbaric. And one of. the reasons is that we when you're.

talking about the homeless population, obviously low-income people. So it's. very much entwined when you talk about. mental health care with Medicaid, with. the federal system. And there's a rule. in Medicaid that was set up right at the. beginning when it was founded in the. mid60s called the IMD rule, institutions. of mental disease. And this was a time. when they didn't want large mental. asylums and whatever. The idea was you. have small facilities in the community. So the rule is there is no Medicaid. reimbursement to the states for any.

mental health care provided in a. facility with more than 16 beds. It's a. 16 bed rule. Of course, that makes the. whole thing incredibly uneconomic and. inefficient. Imagine if hospitals could. only be 16 beds. How inefficient that. would be. The first Trump administration. created a waiver, the IMD waiver that. states could apply for so you could get, you know, get around the rule. California. A lot of other states have. have taken that up. California hasn't. There's plenty of money in the system. Like we've been saying, the budgets have.

are there. They've just been diverted. into the wrong places. So, the third. part of the plan is to take the money. that's currently going into the homeless. industrial complex, these ridiculous. apartment units for people who should be. either getting mental health care or. recovery treatment. Take that money and. put it into modern largescale mental. health facilities. And then we can treat. people. >> That's broad work. That's a great place. for you to put a big magnifying glass. because that's where there's massive. amounts of corruption. People cannot. believe how much we spend in this.

>> or we spend in California on. >> homeless and if you pay for something. you will get more of it and they're. getting a lot more of it. Yeah. >> Steve, as we wrap up, give us the. quarterback view of your path to. victory. Walk us through the sequence of. events, the key moments leading up to. the primary vote and then from primary. to election day. what has to happen for. you to get to Sacramento? >> So, we have the top two system. Um, for. those who I mean, another crazy. California thing where you end up with.

two candidates going through to the. general election regardless of party. The idea of this was to have more. moderate politics. Ever ever since it. was introduced, the state's gone further. and further to the left. Um, and so. you've got various scenarios that are. possible. Right now, I'm leading in all. of the polls. Um, on the Republican. side, there's one other candidate. I I. think with the president with President. Trump's endorsement of my campaign, I. think we can expect um I'm pretty. confident that we can make it into the.

top two. It's not certain. We we're. we've got to, you know, fight very hard. over the next month or so. The ballots. go out next week, early May. Um, but I. think that we're going to have a a top. two with myself and one other Democrat. And right now it looks as if it's going. to be one of Tommy Styer, Katie Porter, or Javier Basera. And all of those three. represent either no change from what we. have now or a move even further to the. left in the wrong direction. So I think.

broadly the argument is going to be very. straightforward, which is are you happy. with the way things are going in. California? Do you want more of it? And. if you do, you vote Democrat or do you. think we need a change? So that's it's a. classic, you know, change versus more of. the same election. Getting into the the. numbers, it's I know a lot of people. look at California and say it's. impossible for a Republican to win. And. Jason was pointing out we've had. Republicans in the past, but that was, you know, a long time ago. And you could.

say special circumstances cuz Arnold. Schwarzenegger was elected in a recall. election and so on. >> And he was a celebrity who was highly. and loved in Los Angeles, half the. state. >> Exactly. All of those things are true. But and so I've always said from the. beginning of this that it's not going to. be easy to win. It's going to be very. difficult because of the structural. factors in California. But it's not. impossible. And given the seriousness of. our predicament and how much I think the. whole country depends on a a successful. growing thriving leading California,

then we should go for it because getting. things back in a common sense direction. is just a really important thing. I. always say California means to America. what America means to the world. And so. this matters. If you look at the numbers. on the on the some people look at the. voter registration numbers and they say. Democrats outnumber Republicans 2 to1. and that is true, but when you look at. actual voting, the gap is a little bit. closer. Over the last 20 years where you. haven't had Republicans elected, the the.

the pretty much the average Republican. vote has been just over 40%. So it's. been like a 6040 split. Obviously, that's not close, but the gap is perhaps. not as wide as some people might think. But then you look at a couple of factors. that I really think are different this. year. First of all, there's a. dissatisfaction. with the way things are going that. wasn't there before. If you look at that. basic number, is the state on the right. track, wrong track? In the even four. years ago in the last governor's race,

the wrong track number was kind of mid. to high 40s. Now it's mid to high 50s. So there's a majority for change in. California, just put it that way, which. is a good environment to be going into. as a candidate representing change. The. second point is if you look at the. actual votes you're going to need to. win, this is a midterm election 2026. If. you try and get some kind of sense of. how many votes will be cast in the.

midterm election this year, take the. average of the last two, 2018 2022, you. get a total of 11.7 million total votes. as an estimate. So to win, you're going. to need just over half of that. Call it. 5.9 million. Now, when people say there. aren't enough Republicans in California. to win, in the in 2024 in the. presidential race, President Trump in. California, without even campaigning. here or spending money on ads or. anything, wasn't a targeted state, got. 6.1 million votes. In other words,

there's more than enough people who just. voted Republican for President Trump. Now, of course, you're not going to get. 100% of a presidential year turnout in a. midterm election, but the reason I make. that point is that the votes are there. actually, even with just Republicans. Now, I don't think we're going to get. there just with Republican votes, but. that's the starting point is a strong. campaign to turn out Republican votes. And a big driver for that this year that. again is a unique feature this year is.

the fact that in November we're going to. have voter ID on the ballot. that just. qualified for the ballot. Um, and. Republicans particularly are. enthusiastic about voter ID. I'm going. to help us get a big turnout. And then. in terms of the coalition for victory, I. think that you've got a real opportunity. to put together the kind of multi-racial. workingclass coalition that President. Trump put together because it's as going. right back to where we started. It's. workingclass people who are really. really struggling and being hammered the.

most by these policies. They get to vote. directly for no taxes. No state income. taxes. >> Exactly. Because that's my tax plan. I I. just put this out there just the other. day, which is no and and no tax on tips. That's the other part. I mean, which has. been implemented at the federal level, but California won't do it at the state. level. Just my whole plan is geared. toward $3 gas. I call it Californable. $3 gas. Cut your electric bills in half. Your first 100 grand taxfree. A home you. can afford to buy. really simple,

practical, common sense things that. particularly help the people who've been. hurt the most over the last few years. And I think that's how we pull this off. >> Steve, on behalf of all, I just want to. say thank you for being so incredibly. candid and open with us. We're wishing. you the best of luck. >> Thank you for joining us. And just from my seat, if if you want. >> moving back. [laughter]. >> No, I mean if you want it just I left. for a reason and part of it was the. dysfunction of the state and if you want.

things to continue I think you know. having an unbalanced government that's. all in one party is a way to do that. You got to try to find some balance here. and I think why not give it a shot? If. you're in California, you have nothing. to lose. The state is in a massively. dysfunctional. situation. So, I wish you great luck, Steve Hilton. >> Thank you, guys. Great to be with you. >> All right. Cheers. Now,

[music]. [music]. >> I'm going all in.